Faces from Yemen’s revolution " Farida Al-Yarimi"

Courtesy of Yemen Times.
By :Shatha Al-Harazi

Farida Al-Yarimi was the first woman to join the sit-in in front of Sana’a universality which is called now “Change Square”. A mother of five and 47 years old, when you see her in her long black abaya [overcoat worn by women in Yemen] and scarf wrapped tightly around her head might not strike you as one of the leading independent Yemeni female protestors but she is.

Originally from Taiz although living most of her life in Sana’a, Farida’s stories are an example of struggle and pursuit of justice. Even though her husband is no longer a part of her life today, her larger family including her former in-laws still support her and view her as symbol of bravery.

Farida is one of the figures who believed strongly in “the Yemeni revolution” and never give up. You would always find her smiling even in the worst situations. She joined the protest in its second day on 12 February 2011, to become the first women who actually slept in a tent in the square defying all Yemeni norms and stereotypes. The organizers at the time dedicated a side section for female protestors which she was the first to use.

“I knew what I did wasn’t expected traditionally. But one of the female activists had to start and pave the way for women to join the protests for real,” she reflects on her brave decision.

“When I first came here I expected the worst, but it was great. The way the men protected me and secured the tent was amazing,” she added even though she complains of the sun which gave her a dark tan from being in the streets for more than five months.

Four of her children joined her just two days after she joined the protests. Farida’s youngest son and daughter are as eager as herself to make the revolution happen and to turn this tribal society to a civil society. They were exposed to tear gas in some of the security attacks against change square.

Throughout the five months during which she had left her comfortable house to become an integral part of the protests her life was not easy for obvious reasons. The sense of privacy and relaxation were almost gone as she had to go to the mosque to use the toilet or relax. Her mobile phone was stolen during one of the security raids on the square but still she has not given up, although now since the mosque has become an extension of the field hospital to treat the wounded protestors her life has become much more difficult on Change Square.

But today, Farida realizes that what she has done has even helped change the mentality of even traditional tribesmen who learned to respect her and her female colleagues for what they stand for and how they contribute to change in Yemen.

Looking back at her background, she says she is an ordinary educated Yemeni woman; a university graduate from the science college who works in the educational sector. She had a regular job before joining the protests. Today her contribution to the revolution is acknowledged and other protesters view her as an optimistic and giving person who keeps them energetic and encourages them to continue.

Throughout her struggle the opposition parties tried to dominate independent youth in general one way or the other, but she insisted on remaining independent.

Over a month ago, when the independent youth decided to take their separate place in reaction to the political parties [mainly the Islah] domination, Farida was among the few women who left “the women section” and set up her own small tent in the new protest section alongside independent youth.

Recently especially since Saleh has left the country, there had been some disputes and sometimes violence between the political parties and the independent youth. Farida played a role in encouraging the youth not to leave the square or give up their dream.

“We will continue, no matter what or who is against us, we will never leave what we have started for others to climb on our shoulders to power,” she said. “As we making an end to Ali Abdullah Saleh’s regime of 32 years, we will continue our peaceful protest against anyone who wants to take advantage of our revolution, and we will not change our stance or demands for a civilian state.”

Although Farida as part of the independent youth were the first to call for toppling the, she was accused many times publicly by the Islah members by name of being an agent for the state “National Security,” who in turn was rumored to include her in some wanted list to coerce her into leaving the protest.

Despite her position and long history in the struggle Farida did not receive her fair share of the limelight whether locally or internationally, still she did not mind that. “I am not here to be a hero, I am here to make sure that my children have a better future,” she said.

'Yemeni youth are guarding the revolution'

Youth demonstrators in Change Square are aware of the influential groups jostling for power and have pledged to continue protests until representative leadership is organised [EPA]

President Saleh once compared his rule to "dancing on the heads of snakes".

Earlier this year, Saleh appeared to stumble as protests engulfed the nation and succeeded in bringing together formerly disparate groups of military officials, politicians, tribal chiefs and demonstrators. The 69-year-old leader - who has reportedly maintained power through a network of patrimony and cronyism - seemed to have been caught off guard when, inspired by the Arab Spring, hundreds of thousands of Yemenis took to the streets to demand an end to his 33-year rule.

Now in its fourth month - one of the longest uprisings of the Arab Spring thus far - it is a testimony to both the protesters' determination and Saleh's elusive style and stubborn politics. Although the demonstrations turned the tables of power on Saleh, he did not change his modus operandi, opting instead to treat the crisis as if it were a minor impasse. He attempted to bargain his way out and coupled empty promises with brute force.

Saleh initially offered not to run for re-election in 2013 and stated that his son, Ahmed Ali, head of the elite Republican Guard, would also not stand. It was the same promise he made in 2005, announcing he would not be a candidate in the 2006 election. He reneged on his word just three months before polls opened.

This time round, the nation would reject his offer. Demonstrators wanted nothing less than an immediate transfer of power and settled in for the long haul. Protests soon spread to other cities and Saleh began to respond with violence, particularly in the city of Taiz, where demonstrators were hit hardest.

The watershed moment that would mark a major turning point in the conflict was the March 18 attack against protesters. Known as "Bloody Friday", 52 demonstrators were killed when they were fired upon by government-controlled gunmen.

The incident resulted in mass defections and resignations from top military and civilian officials, including several Yemeni ambassadors. To spare himself of the embarrassment of further political losses, Saleh sacked his entire cabinet on March 20.

Just one day later, General Ali Mohsen, Saleh's former chief military advisor, defected - pledging to protect the demonstrators in Change Square - and signalling the first major blow to the regime. According to Gregory Johnsen, a former Fulbright Fellow in Yemen and expert witness on the country to the US Congress, the defection indicated a break between Saleh's immediate family and the rest of his supporters in the military.

"Ali Mohsen is by far the most powerful figure in the military and his announcement opened the floodgates, as officer after officer has now come out supporting the revolution," he said.

Mohsen's break with the regime is looked at with cynicism by demonstrators and experts alike. According to Johnson: "What Ali Mohsen is doing is setting himself up for a post-Saleh future. His announcement put him in position to head the military or military council under the next government. This is something a number of prominent Yemenis were waiting for. Not because they liked Ali Mohsen, they don't. But because he commands so much loyalty within the army."

Along with Mohsen's defection, Saleh's own tribe, the Hashid confederation, issued a statement a few days following the attacks, asking Saleh to leave peacefully. The Hashids, Yemen's most powerful tribe, are headed by the Ahmar brothers, who, according to political analyst Abdullah M Hamidaddin, have long been encroaching on Saleh's authority:

"They've been challenging Saleh's access to more power for some time now. They had a score to settle with Saleh but they did not dare to confront him directly until the youth took to the streets. This is a power struggle between Saleh, Ali Mohsen, and the Ahmar brothers. The youth were the playing field."

Competing for power

The ten brothers inherited leadership of the Hashid tribe in 2007, after the death of their father, Sheikh Abdullah. Sheikh Abdullah founded Yemen's largest opposition party, the religious conservative Islah. He was considered Saudi's main ally in Yemen and his sons maintain strong ties with the country.

According to Johnson: "The descendants of al Ahmar and Saleh increasingly view each other as competitors for the same shrinking pie of political power. The contest for control of the state is now said to be, in a bit of an Arabic pun, one between the two Bayt (house of) al Ahmars. The reference is to Sheikh Abdullah's surname and the president's home village, Bayt al Ahmar."

The power struggle between the families centres around Hamid al Ahmar. A successful businessman, he heads the Islah party and is considered the most politically ambitious of the brothers. The party threw its weight behind the opposition early on, setting up tents in Change Square and providing financial support to the opposition.

The pan-Arab daily Al Quds al Arabi named Hamid al Ahmar as one of three candidates most likely to succeed Saleh. The other two were the president's son, Ahmad, and his nephew, Yahya.

According to Johnson: "The list is suggestive of the centralisation of politics in Yemen over the past three decades. The contest for control of the state is now said to be one between two families. This process of consolidating power has morphed to the point where the military and intelligence command structure - the true power of the state - resembles the family tree of Saleh's own tribe."

Like Ali Mohsen, the Ahmar clan is also looked upon with much suspicion. Their influence stretches deep, to the chagrin of many activists and organisers at the square. Even more troubling is Islah's close alliance with Ali Muhsin's First Armoured Division. According to Salah al Sharafi, founder of the Union of Movements for Independent Youth, Islah is attempting to control the movement.

"They think they can buy this revolution. We don't trust them. They were for the GCC agreement when many of us weren't and they're still trying to force us to support the plan," he said.

Sharafi's sentiments are shared by many of the revolutionaries, who believe the plan is nothing more than a means for Saudi to control Yemen through proxy leadership.

"We want a Yemen-initiated plan with no outside interference. The Saudis will work hard to place their strongman Hamid al Ahmar in power, but we will work hard to prevent this," said al Sharafi. "If Ahmar continues to try to control the movement through his agents in Islah, we expect violence. We are here, we are independent, we are not afraid of Islah. We will make our own alliances with tribes."

On May 23, one day after Saleh refused to sign the GCC-backed initiative for the third time, Sheikh Sadiq al Ahmar, the eldest son and official head of the Hashid tribal federation, announced his support for the opposition. It signalled the second major blow to Saleh's regime. 

 Violent clashes ensued between Ahmar fighters and security forces in the suburb of Hasaba, home to Sheikh al Ahmar. The violence would leave Hasaba in ruins and at least 120 dead.

The third and most recent blow to the regime came on June 3, when Saleh and several top officials were injured during an attack against the presidential palace. As details begin to emerge into the public sphere, many are pointing to it being "an inside job".

Medical sources in Saudi Arabia, where Saleh is being treated, say he suffered from burns on 40 per cent of his body and a collapsed lung. The day after the attack, Vice President Abd al Rab Mansur al Hadi took over as acting president. While crowds in Change Square celebrated Saleh's departure, Yemeni officials insisted on state television that Saleh's absence was temporary. However, some experts believe a return to power is highly unlikely.

"He is heavily sedated and quite disfigured, as I understand things," said Grant Hopkins, a former political consultant in Yemen and founder of ICEX, a geopolitical consulting firm. "Even with a full recovery it will take at least a year to heal. I doubt that he will ever return. The real issue is what his son is doing."

Just exactly who's running the country now depends on who you ask.

Vice President Joe Biden reportedly phoned al Hadi to say that the US would recognise his authority. However, Yemen experts and much of the local press believe that Saleh's son Ahmed Ali is the de facto ruler. Saleh's son and his three nephews control important sectors of the military and security apparatus.

In an interesting move, Ahmed Ali moved into the presidential palace soon after his father's departure - while al Hadi continued to work out of his office. According to Johnsen, al Hadi is not seen as a strong player.

"When Saleh needed a southerner for balance, he chose Hadi, who was everything he was looking for: loyal, weak, and from the south," said Johnsen.

Ali Mohsen's division now stands guard outside al Hadi's home, purportedly protecting him from the military arm of the regime he now leads. According to Abdul Ghani al Iryani, a political analyst in Yemen and co-founder of the Democratic Awakening Movement, the extent of Ahmed Ali's authority is limited.

"Saleh's son and nephews assume very critical positions in the security and military apparatuses. However, they cannot defy the political leadership, especially given the fact that the acting president is quite respected by all parties. And the fact of the matter is, the political protest is the only option for everyone now," said al Iryani.

"The resort to violence did not work for the president, in his full capacity, and with all the top lieutenants beside them. Now they're gone. The prime minister is badly injured. The speaker of parliament is injured. Two deputy prime ministers are injured. So, how could the son and the nephews continue the violent confrontation without the support of a political arm?"

Filling the gulf in political authority

With the current power vacuum, of utmost concern to the West is the threat of al-Qaeda. Political consultant Hopkins believes the US will use this time to selectively target suspected al-Qaeda targets in a unilateral campaign. "It makes sense. In a political vacuum it has been my experience that going on the attack is the best defence," he said.

Indeed, this week the US stepped up its covert campaign in the south of Yemen and targeted armed groups understood to be linked with al-Qaeda with remotely controlled drone aircraft and fighter jets. Strikes reportedly killed al-Qaeda operative Abu Ali al-Harithi and several other suspects. Four civilians were also understood to have been killed.

According to Prof Clive Jones, Chair of Middle East Studies and International Politics at Leeds University, Saleh inflated the threat of al-Qaeda to make his rule appear indispensible to the West. "Playing on primordial fears of jihadi threats determines a hierarchy of values that inevitably links the fate of Yemen's president to wider western security interests. It is, in effect, a dependency relationship - but one perhaps where inflation of the threat is realised in the political capital that Saleh has accrued externally."

Saleh depended on this capital to help him survive the latest impasse. He continued to play "the terrorism card" and many accuse him of orchestrating the recent conflict in the southern Yemeni city of Zinjibar. Hundreds of armed militants reportedly belonging to al-Qaeda took control of the city on May 27, after military posts were abandoned. Several top defected generals accused Saleh of intentionally ceding territory to the militants. Saleh would later send in troops to resolve a problem he created, according to a statement released by nine former generals. In the same statement, they called on other officers to defect and support the opposition.

"In reality, Saleh has not been all that cooperative in the war on terror,"says Iryani. "Saleh has only given lip service to fighting terrorism, which is why the US was forced to use the drones to pursue extremists." According to Iryani, "A democratically elected president would do a more efficient job in eradicating the few hundred al-Qaeda members in a way that is sensitive to the people of Yemen."

According to Hopkins, the real wild card is the Houthis, a Zaidi Shia rebel group based in Saada, a city in Northern Yemen. The Houthis have been engaged in violent clashes with the state since 2004 and claim that they are defending their community against state aggression and discrimination. In late 2009, clashes broke out between Houthi rebels and Saudi forces along their common border. Both the Saudi and Yemeni governments accuse Iran of aiding the rebels, a claim that Iran denies.

Hopkins believes their role will be critical and integral to a future Yemen state. "They were dealt a near lethal blow in 2009-10, bought and paid for by the [Saudi] Kingdom. They survived. The Saudis fear them but this may not be a time for resurrecting new hostilities in Saada," says Hopkins. "The kingdom, no doubt, will see the hidden hand of Tehran and will shout that message to the rooftops. But unless the US is in agreement, that will be a hollow cri de couer. I would hope that Washington would not misread the politics of this a second time."

Enter the youth movement

Where does this messy, convoluted equation leave the opposition youth? According to Jones, the political field is still determined by tribal allegiances. "This ultimately will determine the dispensation of power in Yemen in the short to medium term future at least. Even the rifts in the military hierarchy that have so rattled Saleh have tribal context."

Khaled al-Anesi, human rights attorney and one of the main organisers in Change Square, is more optimistic and believes that the ball is now in the opposition's court: "In this equation, the opposition has the upper hand and should ask for something more."

Specifically, the opposition has two demands. The first is the establishment of a presidential council composed of five to seven people who will lead Yemen in a transitional government until elections. The second demand is the establishment of a national council, composed of 100-150 members who will be charged with promoting dialogue among the different factions and creating a new constitution. Its members, according to al-Anesi, will be selected from different tribes, parties, and experts.

The GCC stipulates that elections should occur two months after the transfer of power. Opposition organisers however, want to hold off on elections for a few months longer. "Two months is too soon for elections. We need to rebuild our country and create a new constitution," says al-Anesi.

He continued:

The Gulf countries are attempting to rush the process because they want to change the face of the system only. We want to change the entire system. The youth will continue the revolution for as long as need be. It's not an easy mission. We expect a power struggle. The tribe will try to claim power but the youth know what they want and will not rest until they attain all their rights.

Iryani is more optimistic, believing the youth movement will not stand in the way if the general political community comes to a resolution. "I think what they are doing - the sit-ins and marches - is a healthy thing; it keeps them vigilant and prevents the process from being hijacked. They are the safeguard of the revolution. They will not allow the Ahmars or the ruling party to strike a deal at their expense."

Despite the past few violent weeks, Iryani believes the youth are still in charge of the uprising and maintains that the military wing is limited in its authority. "The military, tribal, religious elites are not the masters of the Square. If we're talking about firepower, then the tribe and military have a monopoly - but they've been proven irrelevant in advancing this peaceful revolution. I do not think the youth will be dominated or intimidated by these tribal and military forces."

With Saleh now out of the country, the nation is fast approaching a peaceful transfer of power, says Iryani. For their part, the youth have succeeded in bringing together different factions under one banner, something that Saleh, Yemen's only leader in modern history, has never succeeded in doing - without feeling like he was "dancing on the heads of snakes".

Whether that unity will survive through this latest volatile phase in Yemen's history remains to be seen.

Source:AJE.com

Acting president Abd-Rabbu Mansour Hadi meets with the American Ambassador

Deputy President of Yemen Abd-Rabu Mansour Hadi

Acting president Abd-Rabbu Mansour Hadi  has meet with the American Ambassador to Sana’a Today.

 They discuss the on going political crises in Yemen that might help the country to end the current chaos for more than four months. Hadi is ruling a the country according to the Yemeni law article 165 which say that the deputy president take care of the country affairs in the absence of the President .

President Ali Abdullah Saleh’s authoritarian grip on Yemen appeared to be slipping as he arrived in Saudi Arabia for medical treatment for wounds suffered in a rocket attack on his compound.

Saleh, whose Saudi medical evacuation plane was met by a senior Saudi official, walked off the aircraft but had visible injuries on his neck, head and face, a source told Reuters.

His journey to Saudi Arabia came amid speculation from Yemeni and western analysts that it was unlikely that he would be able to return to Yemen if he was forced to seek medical assistance abroad.

Saleh delivered an audio address on television to reassure supporters, but his voice sounded laboured and the address was made accompanied by an old photograph of him on the screen.

Acting president Abd-Rabbu Mansour Hadi was due to meet members of the military and Saleh’s sons, al-Arabiya television said on Sunday. It was the first indication that Saleh’s powerful sons had not also left the country.

A leaderless Yemen would place enormous pressure on Saudi Arabia, which has long played the role of kingmaker for its much smaller, and infinitely poorer, neighbour.

The violence in the country grew out of pro-democracy protests that has turned into a power struggle between Saleh’s ruling clique and his former allies in the Ahmar clan.

National Yemen Newspaper report.

Yemen - Timeline

A chronology of key events:



1500s - Ottomans absorb part of Yemen into their empire but are expelled in the 1600s.

Sanaa, one of the world's oldest continuously-inhabited cities Population: 1.6 million Sanaa means 'fortified place'

1839 - Aden comes under British rule, and when the Suez Canal opens in 1869 serves as a major refuelling port.
1849 - Ottomans return to north, but later face revolt.
1918 - Ottoman empire dissolves, North Yemen gains independence and is ruled by Imam Yahya.
1948 - Yahya assassinated, but his son Ahmad beats off opponents of feudal rule and succeeds his father.
1962 - Imam Ahmad dies, succeeded by his son but army officers seize power, set up the Yemen Arab Republic (YAR), sparking civil war between royalists supported by Saudi Arabia and republicans backed by Egypt.
South Yemen formed
1967 - Formation of southern Yemen, comprising Aden and former Protectorate of South Arabia. Country is later officially known as the People's Democratic Republic of Yemen (PDRY). Programme of nationalisation begins.

Qat, a leafy stimulant, is chewed by many Yemeni men

1971 - Thousands flee to north following crackdown on dissidents. Armed groups formed in bid to overthrow government.
1972 - Border clashes between YAR and PDRY, ceasefire brokered by Arab League.
1978 - Ali Abdallah Saleh named as president of YAR.
1979 - Fresh fighting between YAR and PDRY. Renewed efforts to unite the two states.
1982 - Earth quake kills 3,000.
1986 - Thousands die in south in political rivalry. President Ali Nasser Muhammad flees the country and is later sentenced to death for treason. New government formed.
North and south unite
1990 - Unified Republic of Yemen proclaimed, with Saleh as president.
1991 - Yemen opposes US-led action against Iraq in Gulf War.
1992 - Food price riots in major towns.
1993 April - Coalition government formed, made up of ruling parties of former north and south.
1993 August - Vice-President Ali Salim al-Baid withdraws to Aden, alleging that south is being marginalised and that southerners are being attacked by northerners.
1994 - Armies of former north and south, which have failed to integrate, gather on former frontier as relations between southern and northern leaders deteriorate.
Attempted split
1994 May - Saleh declares state of emergency and dismisses al-Baid and other southern government members following political deadlock and sporadic fighting. Foreigners flee escalating fighting.

Tenth anniversary unification celebrations in Sanaa, May 2000

1994 May 21- Al-Baid declares independence of Democratic Republic of Yemen. Saleh rejects secession as illegal.
1994 July - Northern forces take control of Aden, secessionist leaders flee abroad and are sentenced to death in absentia.
1995 - Yemen, Eritrea clash over disputed island territory.
US vessel attack
2000 October - US naval vessel USS Cole damaged in suicide attack in Aden which is subsequently blamed on al-Qaeda. Seventeen US personnel killed.
2000 October - Bomb explodes at British embassy. Four Yemenis who are jailed say they carried out attack in solidarity with Palestinians.
2001 February - Violence in run-up to municipal polls and referendum, in which voters show support for constitutional reform extending presidential term and powers.
Terror crackdown
2001 November - President Saleh visits US, tells President Bush that Yemen is a partner in the fight against terrorism.

Hundreds have been killed in rebel cleric's revolt 2004: Yemeni forces kill rebel cleric

2002 February - Yemen expels more than 100 foreign Islamic scholars, including British and French nationals, in crackdown on terror and suspected al-Qaeda members.
2002 October - Supertanker Limburg badly damaged in attack, blamed on al-Qaeda, off Yemeni coast.
2003 April - The 10 chief suspects in the bombing of the USS Cole escape from custody in Aden.
2004 March - Two militants, suspected of masterminding bombing of USS Cole, are re-arrested.
Clashes in north
2004 June-August - Government troops battle supporters of dissident cleric Hussein al-Houthi in the north; estimates of the dead range from 80 to more than 600.
2004 August - Court sentences 15 men on terror charges, including bombing of Limburg tanker in 2002.
2004 September - Government says its forces have killed dissident cleric Hussein al-Houthi, the leader of a revolt in the north.
2005 March-April - More than 200 people are killed in a resurgence of fighting between government forces and supporters of the slain rebel cleric Hussein al-Houthi.
2005 May - President Saleh says the leader of the rebellion in the north has agreed to renounce the campaign in return for a pardon. Minor clashes continue.

Women back opposition's Faisal Bin Shamlan ahead of 2006 poll

2005 July - Police and witnesses say at least 36 people are killed across the country in clashes between police and demonstrators protesting about a cut in fuel subsidies.
2005 December - More than 60 people are killed when a landslide destroys a mountain village around 20km from Sanaa.
2006 March - More than 600 followers of slain Shia cleric Hussein al-Houthi who were captured following a rebellion he led in 2004 are released under an amnesty.
2006 September - President Saleh wins another term in elections.
2007 January-March - Scores are killed or wounded in clashes between security forces and al-Houthi rebels in the north.
2007 June - Rebel leader Abdul-Malik al-Houthi accepts a ceasefire.
2007 July - Suicide bomber attacks a tourist convoy killing eight Spaniards and two Yemenis in the province of Marib.
2007 August - Citizens banned from carrying firearms in Sanaa. Demonstrations without a permit are outlawed.

A volcano erupts on the Red Sea island of Jabal al-Tair for the first time since the 1800s.

2007 October - Volcano erupts on the Red Sea island of Jabal al-Tair where Yemen has a military base.
2007 November - Clashes between Yemeni tribesmen and army personnel protecting a Ukrainian oil company leave 16 people dead in the south-eastern Shabwa province.
2008 January - Renewed clashes between security forces and rebels loyal to Abdul-Malik al-Houthi.
2008 April - Clashes with troops as southern Yemenis protest against alleged northern bias in state job allocation. One man killed.
2008 March-April - Series of bomb attacks on police, official, diplomatic, foreign business and tourism targets. US embassy evacuates all non-essential personnel.
2008 September - Attack on US embassy in Yemeni capital Sana'a kills 18 people, including six assailants. Six suspects arrested.
2008 October - President Saleh announces arrest of suspected Islamist militants allegedly linked to Israeli intelligence.
Demands for reform
2008 November - Police fire warning shots at Common Forum opposition rally in Sanaa. Demonstrators demand electoral reform and fresh polls. At least five protesters and two police officers injured.
2009 February - Government announces release of 176 al-Qaeda suspects on condition of good behaviour.

AL-QAEDA IN ACTION 1992 December - Bombers hit hotel in Aden formerly used by US marines - first known al-Qaeda attack in Yemen. 2000 October - Suicide attack on destroyer USS Cole in Aden. Bomb attack on British embassy in Sanaa. 2002 October - French tanker Limburg damaged by bomb-laden boat in port of Ash-Shir. 2007 July - 8 Spanish tourists, 2 local drivers killed by car bomb at historic site in Maarib. 2008 January - Two Belgians, their guide and driver shot dead in attack in Wadi Hadramout. 2008 March - Policeman, student killed in attempted bombing of US embassy. 2008 September - 16 killed in double car bombing outside US embassy. 2009 January - Saudi and Yemeni al-Qaeda branches announce merger to form al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP). 2009 March - 4 South Korean tourists killed by suicide bomber in Shibam. 2009 August - AQAP bomber dies in failed bid to kill Saudi Deputy Interior Minister Prince Mohammed bin Nayef. 2009 December - 'Underwear bomber' Umar Farouk Abdulmutallab allegedly tries to down Detroit-bound US airliner in plot claimed by AQAP. 2010 January - London conference on extremism in Yemen. 2010 April - Attempted suicide bomb attack on convoy of British envoy Tim Torlot in Sanaa. 2010 June - Attack on Aden security complex. 10 security officers said killed. 2010 July - 11 security forces killed in 2 separate attacks in Shabwa province. Al-Qaeda attackers hit South Yemen security offices in 2 coordinated attacks. 2010 October - Rocket attack targets British embassy car 2010 October - Parcel bombs, thought to have been made by al-Qaeda and dispatched in Yemen, found on US-bound cargo planes

2009 June - Nine foreigners are abducted in remote Saada region. The bodies of three are later found. The fate of the remaining six hostages remains unclear, though local rebels deny responsibility.
2009 August - The Yemeni army launches a fresh offensive against Shia rebels in the northern Saada province. Tens of thousands of people are displaced by the fighting.
2009 October - Clashes break out between the northern rebels and Saudi security forces along the two countries' common border. The rebels accuse Saudi Arabia of supporting the Yemeni government in attacks against them. The Saudi government denies this.
2009 November - Saudi Arabia says it has regained control of territory seized by Yemeni rebels in a cross-border incursion.
2009 December - Yemen-based branch of al-Qaeda claims it was behind failed attack on US airliner. The government calls on the West for more support to help it combat the al-Qaeda threat.
2010 January - President Saleh says government open to talks with Al-Qaeda militants, provided they renounce violence.
2010 February - Government signs ceasefire with northern rebels.
2010 March - Northern rebels release 178 captives after the government accuses the Shia Houthi group of failing to comply with the terms of the truce reached in February.
2010 September - Thousands flee government offensive against separatists in southern Shabwa province.
2010 October - Global terror alert after packages containing explosives originating in Yemen are intercepted on cargo planes bound for the US.
2010 December - Yemen says 3,000 soldiers killed in recent outbreak of fighting involving Houthi rebels.
2011 January - US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton visits to express "urgent concern" at al-Qaeda activities in Yemen.
Tunisian street protests which unseat President Ben Ali appear to encourage similar demonstrations in other countries, including Yemen.
President Saleh pledges not to extend his presidency in 2013 or to hand over to his son.
2011 March - Pro-reform demonstrations continue. Police snipers open fire on pro-democracy camp in Sanaa, killing more than 50 people.
Senior military figures including key general, Ali Mohsen al-Ahmar, declare their backing for protest movement. Several ministers and other senior regime figures also defect to protesters.
President Saleh says unrest risks plunging country into civil war. State of emergency is imposed.
2011 April - Unrest and violent government response continue. President Saleh vows to remain in office.
2011 May - Dozens die in clashes between troops and tribal fighters in Sanaa. Airport shuts and thousands flee the city.














BBC.News

Saleh: Yemen will not be a failed state

Yemen's president, Ali Abdullah Saleh

YEMEN,Sanaa,MAY 25,2011(Naseh News)--Yemen will not be “a failed state, another Somalia or a safe haven for extremist group al-Qaeda,” Saleh told Reuters on Wednesday, vowing to fight those “who threaten the security and stability” of the Arab country.

The embattled president has also slammed efforts by US President Barack Obama to use the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) as a tool to pressure Saleh into a step down.

He stressed that the crisis in the impoverished country is purely “an internal matter” and claimed that he would never take orders from any foreign powers.

However, despite the harsh warnings, Saleh asserted that he is now ready to sign a power transition deal within the framework of a dialogue.

He, however, outlined that he would not leave Yemen and would continue as part of the opposition after he leaves power.

This is while on Sunday, Saleh refused for the third time to sign a deal layed out by the [Arab] Gulf Cooperation Council ([A]GCC), to transfer power to his vice president and resign within 30 days in exchange for immunity from prosecution.

Following his rejection, fierce clashes broke out between Saleh's troops and tribesmen loyal to opposition tribal chief Sheikh Sadeq al-Ahmar in the capital Sana'a on Monday.

Ahmar who is the leader of the Hashid tribal federation and a former supporter of President Saleh, joined the opposition in March. Saleh himself comes from the Hashid tribe.

The strongman accuses Saleh of trying to spark a "civil war" in an attempt to remain in power.

Fighting between the two sides continued on Wednesday, a day after fierce clashes left over 60 people dead and hundreds more injured, Xinhua said.

According to witnesses, the tribesmen have so far managed to take over Yemen's state news agency Saba and the country's national airliner Yemenia.

They are now trying to take control of the interior ministry headquarters.

Since late January, hundreds of thousands of anti-government protesters have been staging anti-Saleh protest rallies across the country on a daily basis, demanding the ouster of Saleh

Yemeni tribesmen, security forces clash

Sana’a,May 23,2011(Naseh News)---The heavy fighting broke out in the Hassaba district of Sana'a, near the residence of the Hashid tribe leader, Sheikh Sadeq al-Ahmar, on Monday a day after Yemeni President Ali Abdullah Saleh refused to sign a power transition deal.

Witnesses say machine-guns and rocket-propelled grenades were used during the fighting. There were also reports of huge explosions in the northern neighborhood, where a number of ministries are located.

A Yemeni official, speaking on condition of anonymity, told AFP that Ahmar loyalists had taken over the trade and industry ministry as well as a religious school and that a Yemeni Airlines office building was set on fire and smoke belched out of a building inside the Interior Ministry compound.

The headquarters of the state news agency, Saba, was also attacked.

According to medical sources, at least 5 was killed and dozens wounded .
It was not immediately clear what caused the clashes, but some reports suggest that the fighting broke out after security forces tried to set up roadblocks between al-Ahmar's residential compound and the nearby Al-Rammah schoole which the tribes refused.

Abdel-Qawi al-Qabasi, an aide to al-Ahmar, however, said security forces were trying to storm al-Ahmar's house and that tribal fighters counterattacked.

Al-Ahmar, who is the leader of the Hashid tribal federation and a former supporter of President Saleh, joined the opposition in March. Saleh himself comes from the Hashid tribe.

Hundreds of Hashid fighters were moving in from outside Sana'a to al-Ahmar's house to protect it, a tribal official speaking on condition of anonymity said.